us-ftc-advocacy-filings-5d5a333d87da991eb773aac147d92cb5•FTC Staff Comment Before the Oregon Liquor Control Commission Concerning Review of its Rules
FTC Staff Comment Before the Oregon Liquor Control Commission Concerning Review of its Rules
us-ftc-advocacy-filings-5d5a333d87da991eb773aac147d92cb5FTC Staff Comment Before the Oregon Liquor Control Commission Concerning Review of its RulesAdvocacy Filing
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Seattle Regional Office
2806 Federal Buildini
915 Second Avenue
Seattle, \\UhiJ1ilOrl 98174
(206) 442-4656
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION
V~8bO /4
COMMISSION f~UTHORiZEO
,'.
Ca!:'ole Cooke
R~les and Policy Manager
Oregon Liquor Control Commission
P. O. Box 22297
Po!:'tland, Oregon 97222
Dea!:' Ms. Cooke:
March 7, 1988
The Seattle Regional Office and the Bureaus of Competition,
Consumer Protection and Economics of the Federal Trade Commission
are pleased to have the opportuDity to comment on Section 845-10-
210 ("Section 210") of the rules of the O!:'egon Liquor Control
Commission. 1 The Liquor Control Commission is in the process of
reviewing its rules to determine whether any of its requireme~ts
are unnecessary, unduly costly or needlessly burdensome. 2 At
present, the Liquor Control Commission has requested ~ublic
comments on Section 210, which governs price posting. We
:commend the Liquor Control Commission's efforts to conduct this
review of its rules and are pleased to respond to the
Commission's request for publ~c comments on Section 210. We hope
that our comments will be useful in examining the likely
competitive consequences of the current price posting
requirements. Our conclusion is that the deletion or substantial
restriction of the posting !:'equiremer.ts would materially increase
competi ti on and advance the,.i nte!:'es ts of Oregon cons umers.
Section 210 requires manu:actu!:'ers and wholesale!:'s 0: bee!:'
and wine to post (~, file) their prices with the Liquor
Control Commission. Section 210 also restricts the ability of
1 These comments represent the views of the staff of the
Federal Trade Commission. They co not necessarily represent the
views of the Com~ission or any i~divid~al Commissioner. The
Commission, however, has a~tho!:'ized the sub~ission of these
comments to you.
2 Pe!:'iodic Rules Review Notice, Oregon Liquor Control
Commission (Oct. 16, 1967).
3 Notice of Proposed Rulemaking Hearing, Oregon Liquor Control
Commission (Feb. 1, 1987).
manufacturers and wholesalers of beer and wine to change their prices. For example, under Section 210, manufacturers and wholesalers cannot change their posted prices for ten days after notifying the Commission of the proposed change. Fu~thermore, with only limited exceptions, a posting of a lower price for beer must remain in effect for 90 days after the effective date of posting,.·while a similar wine posting must remain in:effect for 30 days. Finally, all retail posted prices must be delivered prices and must be the same for all retailers, regardless of .variations in the costs of delivering products to different - retailers. Penalties for violations of these restrictions may include the cancellation or suspension of the licensee's license or the imposition of monetary penalties. 4 These restrictions on the prices that manufacturers and wholesalers of beer and wine may cha~ge for their products may raise p=ices to consumers by deterring price reductions, raising costs and impeding the development of efficient systems of distribution. In addition, these restrictions may facilitate collusion. The anticompetitive consequences of the ~estrictions may not be offset by countervailing benefits for consumers, nor do the restrictions seem necessary to fulfill the goals of the Oregon statutes. Instead, it is possible that the p~imary goal of price posting -- deterring manufacturers and wholesalers from providing financial assistance to particular retailers 5 -- could be achieved through recordkeeping or other less rest~ictive requi rements. I. Interest and Experience of the Federal Trade Com~ission The Federal Trade Commission is empowered under Section 5 of .' the Federal Trade Commission Act, 15 U. S. C. §45, to prevent unfair methods of competition and unfair or deceptive acts or practices in or affecting commerce. In addition to enforcing Section 5 and other laws dealing with competition, the Commission has f=equently authorized its staff to submit COmmer.ts on the likely competitive consequences of federal, state and local legislation or regulations. Several of these staff comments have analyzed the competitive implications of p~oposed le;~slation or regul ati ons governi ng the distribution of al coholi c beverages. 6 O:::e. Rev. Stat. § 471. 315 (1985). 5 ~ Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, Oregon Liquor Control Commission (Oct. 16, 1987). In these comments, we take no position on the likely competitive effects of t~e statutory prohib:tions of financial assistance. 6 ~, ~, Comments of the Bureaus of Competition, Consume::: Protection and Economics of the Federal Trade Commission on the Maryland Wine Cooler Fair Dealing Act (Mar. 11, 1987)i Comments of the Bureaus of Competition, Consumer Protection and Economics (cor.ti nued ... ) 2
I n anal yz i ng pa::ti cul ar s ta tutes or regul a ti ons, our goal is to
assess whether various restrictions impede competition or
increase costs without providing countervailing benefits to
consumers.
Restrictions on price are particularly appropri~te subjects
for competitive analysis since price has long been recognized as
lI'the central nervous s ys tern" of a free ma::ket economy. 7 In
competitive markets, changes in price operate as signals to bring
:the output of producers (supply) into equilibrium with consumer
needs (demand). If, for exampl e, cons umers want to buy more of a
product than the market is currently providing, producers will
generally increase price in response to the high demand. Such
price increases will tend to reduce consumer purchases while
signalling the need for additional output. Conversely, if
produce::s have excess inventory, they will generally lower their
prices in order t~ stimulate consume:: purchases. Such price
reductions typically will also lead producers to decrease output.
Restrictions on price changes directly interfere with these
essential market signals and prevent the market from allocating
resources in a manner that maxi~izes consumer welfare. By
inefficiently allocating resources, such restrictions are likely
to result in higher prices, in:erior products, or reduced
services. Because of these likely adverse consequences, such
restrictions, when adopted by p::ivate competitors, would run the
risk of being summarily condemned under the antitrust laws. 8
6 ( ... conti Dued)
of the Federal Trade Commission on the District of Columbia Wine,
Beer and Spi ri ts Franchis e Act (Aug. 29, 1986) j and Peti ti on of
the Seattle Regional Office, Federal Trade Commission Before the
Washington State Liquor Control Board for Repeal of Rules
Affecting Price (Feb. 17, 1977).
7 United States v. SQcQ:lV-Vacuum Oil Co., 310 U. S. 150, 224-
2 6, n. 5 9 (1 94 °).
8 If imposed by an agreement of competitors, pricing
restrictions of the type contained in Oregon's price posting
regulations would almost certainly violate ~he antitrust laws.
~, ~, Nille: v. Hedll,.;nC, 8:3 F.2d 1344, 1349 (9th Cir.
1987), cert. denieC, 56 U. S. L. W. 3568 (Feb. 23, 1988) ("If the
wholesale beer and wine distrib~tors had entered into a private
agreement to accomplish what is otherwise required by the Oregon
[price posting] reg~lations, there is no question that a ~ ~
violation of Section 1 of the Sherman Act would be found.")
In Miller, the Court of Appeals held that the Oregon price
posting requirements woulC be preempted by the Sherman Act unless
they are protected by the 21st Amendment. The Court of Appeals
remanced the case to the District Court for further consideration
of the 21st Amendment issues. In the meantime, the Liquor
(continued ... )
3
9 Like private restrictions on price, government-imposed price restrictions may harm competition by cirectly interfering with the price signals neeced for the market system to work. In addition, government restrictions on price may raise the costs of producing or distributing particular products. Finally, government restrictions on price may enable private parties to use the enforcement power of the state to strengthen private price-fixing agreements. Government restrictions can be effective in facilitating private price-fixing conspiracies if violations of such restrictions subject noncomplying parties to penalties that are more certain or severe than retaliation by priva~e parties. For example, ~any government agencies, including the Liquor Control Commission, have the authority to cancel or suspend a licensee's license or i~pose monetary penal ti es for vi 01 ati ons of the agency's regul ati ons. 9 We recognize, of course, that government-imposed restri~tions on price may be designed to achieve legitimate state goals ... 0 5i nee, however, government -i mpos eo res tri cti ons on price may also adversely affect consumers by raising price and wasting resources, it is useful to examine such restrictions carefully to ensure that they do in fact achieve legitimate state goals without unnecessarily restricting competition. 8 ( ... conti nued) Control Commission is reviewing its price posting requirements ~(several of which are at issue in Kille;) to determine whether these requirements are unduly burdensome or unnecessary to fulfill the relevant statutory goals. Tne Oregon Liquor Control Commission has the authority to impose such penalties if it finds or has reasonable srounds to believe that the licensee has violated any cf its regulations, i ncl udi. ng the p=i ce pos ti ng requi reme~ts. O=e. Rev. S"':.a t . .~ § ~71. 315 (1985). 10 For example, government-imposed restrictions on price may be designed to restrain monopoly pricing. In addition, we recog~ize the important role played by the state in promoting the well being of its citizens and do not contend that a state should not regulate the sale of alco~olic beverages to promote temperance. There may be, however, means to ac~omplish this goal that do not limit the benefits of competition. For example, one alternative method of promoting temperance that might not have an adverse effect on competition would involve using tax revenues from the sale of alcoholic beverages for educational programs, such as alcohol abuse prevention prog=arns.
II. CQmpetitive bnalvsis of the Frice Festive Requireme~ts
of SectiQn 210
In this sectiQn, we first briefly review the CQntent and
goals of the price posting requirements set forth in-~ection 210.
We then discuss four specific aspects Qf SectiQn 210 that may
harm competitiQn by interfering with pricing signals, increasing
~osts, Qr strengthening private agreements on price. In Section
~II, we discuss alternate means of achieving the goals of the
·price posting requirements while reducing the potential for
cQmpetitive inju~y.
A. Frice Fostine Requirements Of Section 210
As indicated earlier, Section 210 requires
manufacturers and wholesale~s o~ beer and wine to post their
prices with the Liquor Control Commission. These price postings
are available for public inspec~ion. Manufactu~e~s and
wholesalers may change their pQs~ed prices by filing amended
p~ice pQstings. However, new or revised p~ice pQstings cannQt gQ
intQ effect until ten days afte~ posting. Furthermc~e, beer
pQstings that decrease price must generally ~emain in effect fo~
90 days, while wine pQstings that decrease price must remain in
effect for 30 days. ~anufacture~s or wholesalers may post
different prices for wholesale sales and fQr retail sales, but
must charge the same price to all ~hclesalers and the same price
tQ all retailers. FQr retail sales, the posted price must be the
del i vered pri ceo
The price posting requirements set fQrth in SectiQn 210 are
~neither mandated nor specifically authQrized by statute.
Instead, it is Qur understanding that these requireme~ts were
adopted in Qrder to make it difficult for manufacturers and
wholes a1 ers tQ ci rcumvent Secti o~s 471. 415 and 471. 4 E5 Qf the
O=egon statutes. 11 Section 471. 425 prQhibits retailers from
receiving "assistance financially, 0= in any other material
manner" frQm wholesalers o~ manu:actu=ers, except as permitted in
Section 471. 465. Section 471. 465 pro::'itits ma:-n.:facturers o~
wholesalers frQm supplying a~y retailer with substantial
gratuities; finar;ces{ money, crec.it, c.isCQunts Qr rebates;
fixtu:res, furniture Qr :urnishinss; o~ equipment Q= services
(Qther than specifically enumerated services, such as stQck
inspections, that are furnished to all =etailers without
discriminatiQn). It is our understancing 'that these statuto=y
prQvisions were designed tQ ensu~e that ~anufacturers and
11 ~ NQtice c: P~oposed Rulemaking Hea=ing, OregQn Liquor
Control CQmmissiQn (Feb. 1, 1988).
wholesalers do not discriminate among retailers by giving price or nonpri ce pre ferences to favored retail ers. 12 The price posting requirements set forth in Section 210 are intended to make it more difficult for manufacturers and wholesalers to circumvent these statutory prohibitio~~ on price discrimination. 13 For example, the 30 and 90 day waiting periods make it difficult for sellers to change their prices so quickly . that only favored retailers learn of the price reductions in time to take advantage of the lower pri ces. The ten day wai ti ng period before posted prices can go into effect, combined with the public availability of posted prices, may further ensure that retailers, as well as the Commission, have ample notice of the availability and effective dates of low prices. 14 Finally, the requirement that there be only one price -- a delivered price to all retailers may make it easier for retailers and the' Commission to detect possible price discriminations. These restrictions on price are, however, also :ikely to reduce competition among manufacturers and wholesalers and to lead to higher retail prices for beer and wine. In the next section, we discuss several aspects of Section 210 that are particularly likely to harm competition. B. CQmpetitive Effects Qf Particular RestrictiQns i~ Section 210 The three restrictions set fQrth in SectiQn 210 that are mQst likely tQ harm CQnsumers are the req~irement that price pQstings that decrease price must remain in effect fQr 30 days .. 12 These provisions may alsQ help ensure that man~facturers and whQlesalers do nQt use indirect forms of Qwnersr.ip tQ circumvent the statutQry prQhibition on the direct Qw~ership of retailers by manufacturers and whQlesalers. Prohi::'itiQ~s on direct ownership are set for~h in Or. Rev. Stat. § 471. 455 (1985) and Or. Admin. R. §845-10-128 (1987). 13 By making it more difficult for manufacturers a~d whQlesalers tQ gra~t price preferences, these provisiQns may increase the incentive for manufact~rers a~d whQlesalers to grant nQnprice preferences. However, ether provisiQns Qf the CQmmissiQn' s rules are designed to prevent such grants Qf nQnprice preferences. ~,~, Or. Admin. R. § 845-10-121 thrQugh 845-10-127 (1987). 14 In the past, the Liquor Control Com~issi~~ also used this ten day periQd to review price postings for possible violations of the 30 and 90 day waiti~g periods or other Commission regulatio~s. It is our understandi~g, however, that the Commission no lQnger performs this preliminary review and that the ten day waiting periQd is therefore no longer needed fQr this purpQse. 6
for wine and 90 days for beer; the requirement that posted prices cannot go into effect until ten days after posting; and the requirement that manufacturers and wholesalers post only delivered prices to retailers. The requirement that posted prices be made publicly available may also cause competitive injury under sor.~ circumstances. In this section, we. discuss each of these restrictions in turn. 1. Requi rement That ¥,'i ne and Beer Pos ti ngs That Decrease Price Remain In Effect for 30 anO 90 Days, Respectively The requirement that wine and beer postings that decrease price remain in effect for 30 and 90 days, respectively, is likely to harm competition by prohibiting short-term price reductions, by increasing the risks associated with any other price reductions, and by elevating the average price of beer and wine. 15 In addition, by deterring industry members from initiating price cuts, this requirement may promote ~0llusion in highly concentrated markets. In effect, this requirement prohibits price reductions of less than 30 days for wine and 90 days for beer. Such short-term price reductions are, however, cften essential to the efficient functioning of the marketplace. For example, manufacturers or wholesalers may wish to reduce prices for short periods in order to quickly sell off excess inventory of products, such as beer, that would otherwise reach their expiration date and need to be discarded. 16 Manufacturers or wholesalers rr.ay similarly wish to implement short-term price reductions to reflect temporary cost reductions, to promote their products, or to conduct market '. tes ts. I n many ins tances, pri ce reducti ons of thes e types coul d not be jcstified for 30 or 90 day periods. Prohibiting shorter- term price reductions would therefore eliminate these price reductions and result in consumers paying higher prices for beer and wine than they would if price were free to vary. Moreover, 15 In this section, we identify the ~ost likely consequences of the 30 and 90 c.ay waiting periods. As c.iscussed above, however, the esser-tial problem ~:th pricing restrictions of this type is that they c.istort the price signals needed =or the market to function efficiently. The specific consequences identifiec. in these sections should not therefcre be viewed as a conprehensive list of potentially negative effects on efficiency. 16 ~ Comments of Miller Brewing Company Concerning the Time Limit for "Post-Offs" under OAR 845-10-210 (Dec. 15, 1987). In its comments, Miller also notes that even if wholesalers post a lower price in order to clear excess inventory, the 90 day waiting period allows retailers to wait to place their orders unti 1 the overs toc}. inventory has pas s ed its s hel f date. As a resclt, distributors may be forced to destroy thousands of dollars in unmarketable beer. 7
prohibiting such price reductions may result in the destruction of excess inventory or the failure to conduct valuable market tests or promotional activities. In addition to banning short-term price reductions of these types, the 30 and 90 waiting periods are likely to de~er other price reductions by greatly increasing the attendant risks. In effect, these wai~ing periods commit sellers to reduced prices for extended periods regardless of subsequent changes in market conditions. In many instances, it may be difficult to forecast supply and demand concitions for such extended periods. The demand for beer, in particular, may vary considerably over a holiday season, depending on the weather. Furthermore, unexpected changes in supply conditions, such as increases in raw material or transportation costs, could injure sellers that had posted lower prices that were binding for 30 or 90 days. Miscalculations of the extent to which price reductions would spur demand could also cause significant financial injury to manu fact urers that pos ted pri ce reducti ons, 17 By i ncreas i ng the risks of posting price reductions, the waiting periods are likely to deter price reduc!ions of all types, resulting in higher prices to consumers ... 8 Finally, the requirement that price reductions s~ay in effect for 30 or 90 days may promote collusion among wholesalers or among retailers by deterring industry members from initiating price reductions that would undermine a collusive price. In general, collusive pricing agreements are most likely to break down as a result of price cutting by an industry member who anticipates that it can make higher profits by reducing price a~o increasing sales. However, the 30 and 90 day waiting periods :tend to reduce the likelihood that a price cutting strategy will be successful. 17 If, for examp~e, a reduction in price did not increase demand sig~ificantly, keeping that price in effect could cause significant losses for sellers who had coun~ed on increased sales to offset the decreased per ~nit price. Similarly, unexpected increases in demand mig~t force sellers to sell regular, rather than excess, inver.~ory at recuced prices or to quickly increase supply, possibly at substa~tially increased costs. 18 Furthermore, Section 210 will tend to raise prices, on average, by imposing 30 or 90 day waiting periods only on price reductions. Under this section, s~ppliers may raise their prices as frequently as they choose, subject only ~o the ten day advar.ce notice provision (discussed below), Suppliers that lower price, on the other hand, are locked into the lower posted prices for 30 or 90 days, regardless of subsequent changes in market concitions. By penalizing price reductions but permitting prices to rise relatively freely, Section 210 will tend to cause the average price level to be higher than it would otherwise be. 8
Facilitating collusion may be a concern in beer
distribution, in part because Ore90n's statutes require
manufacturers to establish exclusive territories for their
wholesalers. 19 Furthermore, beer wholesalers often serve as the
exclusive distributor for more than one manufacturer;_~ As a
result, only a few beer wholesalers operate in each geographic
territory. Such highly concentrated markets may be conducive to
~xplicit or tacit agreements on price. 20
Should such agreements occur, the 30 and 90 day waiting
periods may reduce the likelihood that the collusive price will
be undermined by price cutting. As indicated earlier, the
waiting periods prohibit short-term price reductions and increase
the attendant risks of all price reductions. In the context of
collusion, these waiting periods could also increase a price
cutter's exposure to retaliatory pricing by forcing the price
cutter to keep a price cut in effect for an extended period even
if, after retaliation, it is no longer profitable. ':'he original
price cutter may be particularly vulnerable to retaliation if
Section 210 is interpreted to prohibit the original price cutter
from further lowering its price during the 30 or 90 day waiting
period in response to retaliatory price cuts by its
.;-' t 21 c ompe d. ors.
19 Under Oregon state law, "intrabrand" cOr.".petition (~,
competition within the same geographic territory from
wholesalers of the same brand of beer) is prohibited. The only
permissible type of competition is competition from competing
brands (" i nterbrand" competi ti on).
20 The ability of beer wholesalers to collude successfully on
price may also be enhanced by the fact that the sale of distilled
liquor, a possible substitute for beer, is a state-controlled
monopoly. In Oregon, the state is the only wholesaler of
distilled liquor and sets all retail prices for these products.
Hence, retailers of cistilled liquor are not allowed to price
competitively. Even if cistilled liquor is viewed as a clos~
substitute for beer, therefore, competitive pressures from
retailers of cistilled liquor cannot be coun~ed on to restrain
beer wholesalers an~ retailers fro~ raising their prices above
the competitive level.
21 A literal reading of Section 210 appears to support this
interpretation. Furthermore, it is our understanding that the
Liquor Control Commission has sorn~times interpreted Section 210
in this manner. Under this reading, if cor.petitors post a price
under the price posted by the original price cutter, the original
price cutter will be unable to meet the competitors' prices for
the remainder of the 30 or 90 day waiting period. Such a policy
would place the original price cutter in a very unfavorable
market position and would be likely to deter industry members
from being the first to undercut a collusive price.
In addition, the 30 and 90 day waiting periods reduce the incentives for industry members to undercut a collusive price by decreasing the likelihood that retailers will immediately . purchase large quantities of goods from the orig~nal price cutter. Since retailers know that the price cutter'~ prices are guaranteed for a 30 or 90 day period, retailers may elect instead to wait and see whether sUD~liers of competing brands will meet or beat the reduced price. 2 Retailers may then choose to :purchase reduced-price products from other industry members who meet or beat the initial price cut, rather than from the original price cutter. Under these co~d~tions, the initial price cutter may receive little or no benefit from its price cutting strategy. For these reasons, the waiting periods are likely to reduce significantly the expected benefits of price cutting, thereby deterring industry members from initiating price cuts and increasing the likelihood that collusion will be successful. 23 2. Ten Day wc:tino Period Before Posted P;ices Go Ir.;o Effect The ten day waiting period before posted prices go into effect may harm competition both by delaying price changes and by giving ten days notice of proposed price changes to competitors. The requirement that sellers refrain from changing their prices for ten cays after posting a new price prevents sellers from responding quickly to short-term shifts in supply or demand. Such delays prevent the market from using price signals . to adjust the output of producers and the purchases of consumers in a timely and efficient manner. For example, in an unrestricted market, beer producers with excess inventory might be inclined to reduce their prices quickly, thereby increasing consumer purchases. The ten day waiting period, however, prohibits producers from impleme~ting these price changes immediately and hence preven~s the market from making the appropriate acjustments for at least ten days. 24 22 Without these wai~ing pe=iods, retaile~s may o=ce= q~ickly from the initial price cutter because they will not know how long the price cut will remain in effect, or whether or when the price cut will be matched. 23 The disparity between the 30 day waiting period for wine and the 90 day waiting period for beer is also of competitive concern because it may place sellers of beer at a competitive disadvantage vis-a-,is sellers of wine. We are not aware of ar.y economic basis for this distinction. 24 The ten day waiting period may cause some sellers to refrain from changing their prices at all. Since, for example, (continued ... 10
The ten day waiting period should not, moreover, be viewed as merely a one-time, temporary problem that will be resolved at the end of ten days. To the contrary, if market conditions change again during the ten day period, the price posted at the beginning of that period will be outdated by the tim& it goes into effect. 25 Accordingly, if beer and wine markets are frequently subject to significant changes in market conditions that are not fully predictable, 26 the ten day weiting period may :cause long-term, systemic distortions of the pricing system. 27 Indeed, if change is frequent enough, market prices may rarely reflect current market conditions, causing persistent resource misallocation and consumer injury. The ten day waiting period may also harm competition by giving competitors ten days notice of prospective price changes. 24 ( ... continued) a supplier may not know whether excess supply will remain at the end of the ten day waiting period, the supplier may not want to post a price reduction that might not be warranted by the time it goes into effect. Even if the Liquor Control Commission perr.~ts suppliers to withdraw posted price reductions during the ten day waiting period, such withdrawals may not be practical from a business perspective if retailers have already taken the posted reductions into account in planning orders and promotions. 25 If sellers were able to forecast supply and demand conditions ten days in advance, the ten day waiting period would not be a problem, for producers would simply file all price :changes ten days in advance of any significant shift in supply or demand. In most markets, however, changes in supply and demand are not so predictable. Indeed, in most markets, producers react to such changes after the changes have occurred, rather than ten days in advance. 26 Such market changes would, for example, include inver-tory ex c e sse 5 0 r s h 0 rtf all s a": the en:' c flo:1 9 woe eke n c s , h 0 1 i cay seasons or major sports events. Excess inventory may also arise if competitors have conducted particu:arly successf~l product promotions or if a firm's own pro~otions have been less successful tha:1 anticipated. 27 In some instances, even the short-term effect of the ten day waiting period may be significant. For example, if at the end of a holiday season, a manufacturer or wholesaler has a substantial excess inventory of bee~ whose shelf life is about to expire, ~he ten day waiting period prohibits the manufacturer or wholesaler from dropping its price immediately in order to sell the beer before i":s expiration date. If the time remaining after the ten day waiting period has expired is not sufficient to sell off the excess inventory, some or a:l of the beer may have to be des troyed. 1 1
In highly concentrated mark2ts, such notice may promote collusion by reducing the incentive for any party to a price-fixing agreement to be the first to cut prices. In general, the greatest gains from price cutting are likely to occur betweeh the time that the price cutter offers the reduced price and the time that other wholesalers are able to respond to the pri~e reductio~ Providing ten days notice to competitors of prospective price cuts is likely to reduce or even effectively eliminate this interval by giving competitors the opportunity to post their own price reductions before the original price reduction even goes into effect. 28 As a result, the ten day waiting period may decrease the incentives of industry members to initiate price cuts and increase the likelihood that explicit or implicit price fixing agreements can be successful. 3. Reguiremect that Man~facturers anC Who~esalers Post Or.ly Delivered Reteil Prices Under ~ection 210, manufacturers and wholesalers of beer and wine are required to post uniform delivered prices for all retailers. By prohibiting sell~rs from recognizing or rewarding efficiencies or cost savings in various methods of distribution, this requirement raises costs to some retailers. For example, retailers that pick up their own purchases or that place orders sufficiently large to reduce delivery costs cannot receive the benefit of these cost savings. The adverse effects of this policy are twofold. First, because cost savings are Dot recognized, retailers that have lower delivery costs cannot pass the cost savings on to consumers. Second, because the cost savings are not rewarded, retailers have little incentive to develop or implement more efficient means of transporting beer :and wine. Consequently, the retail distribution of beer and wine is more likely to be inefficient, resulting in higher prices to consumers. 29 28 In a market that does n~t have a ten day waiting period, a price cutter may offer a significantly reduced price to retailers without advance notice. Since retailers do not know whether or when that lower price will be matched by ot~er suppliers, retailers will have considerable i:lcentive to purchase significant quantities of the reduced-price ?roduct :rom the initial price c~tter. With a ten day waiting perio~, however, competing sellers that wish to meet or beat the reduced price may post their own reduced price immed:ately. A:though they too will have a ten day waiting period, they can vigorously promote their own price recuction during ~his interval, thereby reducing the likelihood t~at retailers will place large orders with the initial price cutter. 29 Revisions to the delivered pricing rule in Section 2:0 would probably also require conforming revisions to Section 845- 06-90 of the Comr..ission's regulations. Or. Admin. R. § 845-06- (c onti nued ... )
4. In!Qrmation Exchange Aspects of Price Posting The price posting requirements set forth in Section 210 provide competitors with complete current information about one another's prices. In addition, these requirements give industry members ten days advance notice of their competitors' proposed price changes. Section 210 also requires manufacturers and wholesalers to adhere to their posted ~rices and subjects those ,who do not comply to severe penalties. 0 Particularly in markets that are sus~eptible to collusion, the availability of comprehensive price information tends to make it easier for industry members to coordinate prices and to detect and discourage cheating on any collusive price. 31 The availability of such information disco~rages cheating in part by increasing the likelihood that competitors will quickly discover the price cut and retaliate by meeting (or beating) the reduced price. 32 In addition, in this market, once competitors post a collusive price, the state will enforce that posted price, thereby ensuring that all industry members adhere to the 29 ( ... conti nued) 090. It is unclear whether similar delivered pricing restrictions apply to sales to wholesalers. If they do, such restrictions would produce similar anticompetitive effects on the whol es a1 e 1 evel. 30 The information made availa~le ~nder Section 210 differs in nature from the pricing information that is often available from . trade journals or other industry sources both because it includes advance notice of proposed price changes and because the state penalizes firms that deviate from the posted information. 31 In fully competitive markets, the provision of quick, accurate information generally tends to be procompetitive. Indeed, perfect information is one of the underlying assumptions of ~he competitive model. Liquor markets may not, however, fit the competitive model well. As discussed a~ove, liquor markets may be conducive to collusion beca~se concer.tration is high i~ some segme~ts, entry is restrictea ~y statute, and t~e gover~Ment imposes sanctions on deviations from posted prices. Price postins may have adverse effects on efficiency in this regulated market. 32 :f the information dissemi~ated through price posting were also availa~le from trade journals or other independe~t sources (~, sources that did not in turn rely upon price postings to obtain or verify their information), the information disclosure aspects of Section 210 would have no adverse effect on efficiency. It seems unlikely, however, that nongovernmental sources could provide the comprehensive information provided under Section 210. 13
collusive price. Such government enforcement will reduce the costs to participants of enforcing the price-fixing agreement and increase the likelihood that collusion will be successful. III. Alte=nate Means of Achieving the Goals of Section 210 . As i.ndicated earlier, the price posting requirem-ents of Section 210 are not mandated or specifically authorized by ~tatute. Instead, these requirements were designed to make it ~asier to enforce the statutory prohibitions on providing financial aEsistance to favo=ed retailers. In these comments, we take no position on the likely competitive effects of particular statutory prohibitions on price discrimination, but address instead whether the current price posting system is needed for the effective enforcement of Oregon's statutory requirements. In reviewing the usefulness of the current price post~ng system, the Liquor Control Comffiission may wish to balance any enforcement benefits of price posting against the ad~inistrative and other costs that the price posting system imposes both on the Commission and on private parties. 33 In addition, the Commission may want to balance such enforcement benefits ag~inst the higher prices that are likely to result from the curre~t price posting requi rements. While price posting may make it somewhat easier for the Commission to determine whether the prices charged by wholesalers or manufacturers to particular retailers are discriminatory, the er.forcement benefits of price posting do not seem large. Instead, it seems likely that the statutory prohibitions on price disc=imination could be effectively enforced through less expensive recordkeeping requirements, combined with appropriate • enforcement. 34 Section 171 of the Commission's currer.t 33 Since we do not have information on the magnitude of these costs, we do not undertake such a cost-benefit analysis in these comments. We would, however, expect that the administrative and compliance costs of price posting would be substantial. 34 Complaints about preferer.tial prices typically come from retailers who feel that other retailers have received a lower pri ce. Wi th pri ce pos ti ng, the Comrr.i s s i on can deter;..i ne the prices that the seller "should have charged" during the applicable time period from its own files. Without p=ice posting, the Commission would have to co~tact the retailer that allegedly received the p=ice break or the seller that allegedly gave the price break in o=der to begin its investigation. Since, however, it is our unde=standing that the Commission's staff already routinely m~kes such contacts in investigating price disc=imination complaints, deleting the price posting requirement probably would not significantly increase the Commission's costs of investigation. (cor.tinued... ) , , l ..
regulations already requires manufacturers and wholesalers to keep extensive records on each sale or delivery of beer or wine, including records of every rebate, discount or allowance for the return of empty containers. Such a recordkeeping system would seem fully adequate for purposes of enforcing the statutory prohibitions on financial assistance, yet is much leis likely to h~~m competition than ~he current price posting requirements. In the alternative, a price posting requirement that ~omitted the 30 and 90 day periods during which decreased prices must be kept in effect, did not require a ten day waiting period for price postings ~o become effective, and did not impose a delivered pricing rule would seem to achieve virtually all the goals of the present regulations without creating the likely anticompetitive effects of the current price posting requirements. Eliminating the policy of making all price postings public might also reduce the harm to consumers occasioned by the rule. 35 34 ( ... continued) Another possible advantage of the current price posting rules is that the various waiting periods contained in those rules prevent wholesalers from posting a low price for a very short period, such as a few days or a week, in order to offer the low price to only one or two retailers. If the Commission found this to be a significant concern, however, it could specifically require that any manufacturer or wholesaler that lowers its price give all of its customers the op~ortunity to purchase products at \the lower price. Manufacturers ~nd wholesalers could also be required to indicate, upon request, the manner in which all customers were notified of the lower price. A final possible advantage of price posting is that the public availability of prices may increase the likelihood that purchasers will no~ice and report possible viola~ions, thereby deterring sellers from gran~ing price preferences. Since, however, retailers ~end ~o learn abou~ preferen~ial prices given to o~hers through a variety of indus~ry sources, i~ is not clear that price posting is necessary for the de~ec~ion and deterrence of price discrimination. Instead, the penal~ies that the Commission imposes fer price ~iscrimina~ion, combined with appropriate investigation of re~ailer complaints, would seem sufficient to deter price discrimina~ion. ~ 5 Th 1 . k l' h - .. \.. .. . .. . .. . )-,.... fl ~ .. ' - e ~ e_~. ooc ~.ja,- c0l71pe~l ... lve ~nJury m:..:;..... ow ... rom ~:1e public availabili~y of price postings depends upon the other provisions of the price posting regulation. If, for example, the ten day waiting period were deleted, it would be less likely that the p~blic availability of price information would cause significan~ co~petitive harm. : 5
.. IV. Conr;lusion For the reasons set forth above, the price posting requirements contained in Section 210 of the Liquor Control Commission's administrative rules may harm competitio~ and raise prices without providing countervailing benefits to consumers. In- addition, these p=ovisions do not seem necessary to attain the apparent goals of the statutes that they were designed to implement. Although consumer welfare may be advanced best by eliminating Section 210 in its entirety, deleting from Section 210 the ten day wai~ing period before price postings may become effective, the 30 and 90 day periods duringw~ich decreased pri ces mus t be kept in e ff ect, and the requi rernent that manufacture=s off~r only delivered prices could also be beneficial. Deleting the requirement that posted prices be made publicly available may also enhance competition in this market. We appreciate this opportunity to comment on ~he Commission's proposed rules. Please :eel f=ee to call or write if we can be of any :urther assistance. Si ncerely, , 1"7 - /-:' -" ~/ /-r/ .. ~,~---: ___ - /" I / . r-'~ George J .v-"2wei~el Director L/ Seattle Regional Office 16
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