us-ftc-advocacy-filings-63ce13d7bb77a31b37e6bd8e74240d29•FTC Staff Comment to the Hon. Rodney T. Berry Concerning Proposed Revisions to Chapter 24-A of the West Virginia Code to Partially Deregulate the Tow Truck Industry
FTC Staff Comment to the Hon. Rodney T. Berry Concerning Proposed Revisions to Chapter 24-A of the West Virginia Code to Partially Deregulate the Tow Truck Industry
us-ftc-advocacy-filings-63ce13d7bb77a31b37e6bd8e74240d29FTC Staff Comment to the Hon. Rodney T. Berry Concerning Proposed Revisions to Chapter 24-A of the West Virginia Code to Partially Deregulate the Tow Truck IndustryAdvocacy Filing
V880059
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A pdl 5, 1989
The Honorable Rodney T. Berry
West Virginia House of Delegates
State Capitol
Charleston, West Virginia 25305
Dear Delegate Berry:
The staff of the Federal Trade Commission is pleased to respond to your
request for co..mments on proposed revisions to Chapter" 24-A of the West
Virginia Code.1 Those revisions would partially deregulate the tow truck
industry in West Virginia, allowing more rapid entry and price competition.
We believe that the lroposals would benefit consumers by mcreasing choices,
improving service, an reducing prices.
Currently, tow trucks in West Virginia are regulated as common carriers
under the state's Motor Carrier Law. That Iaw creates an apparently
significant entry barrier by requiring that all tow truck operators obtain a
Certificate of Convenience and. Necessity. We understand that such certificates
are ~ranted only after a complex application process and a sometimes lengthy
heanng before the Public Service Commission (PSC). By increasing the cost of
entering the tow truck business, this process may Increase the price of towing
services in West Virginia, to the detriment of consu.mers.
The proposed legislation will streamline entry requirements by eliminating
the CertifIcate of Convenience and Necessity. All common .carriers engaged in
the business of towing, hauling or carrying wrecked or disabled vehicles would
be required to register with the PSc, comply with applicable safety regulations
and maintain adequate insurance. In addition, the PSC would s~t maximum
_~_. ~_ ... _. towing rates, ~ with_.~mpetitio~:_pe~mitt~~.::c1?eneat.1l._!?_os~:_~~~i~~ll1~ -:::=-~.. _ ..
1 These comments are the views of the staff of the Cleveland Regional
Office and the Bureau of Economics of the Federal Trade Commission. They
are not necessarily the views of the Commission or of any individual Commissioner.
2 We do not address the costs and benefits of this form of rate regulation
in Our comment..
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,'. '.: ..~ -:".. .. ,.:..- :-. . Oro:, • ' ...... 1. Ioterest 80d Experience of the Federal Trade Commission The Federal Trade Commission (FTC") is an independent regulatory agency responsible for fostering competition and safeguarding jhe interests of consumers. Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act prohibits unfair methods of competition and unfair or deceptive acts or practices. Through investigations. of ~leged viC?lations of this statut~, the staff of t.he FTC has gained expenence In analyZing the effects of vanous trade restramts, and the costs and benefits of these restraints to consumers. Upon request by federal, state and local governmental bodies, the staff of the FTC regularly analyzes legislative and regulatory proposals to identify provisions that may impair competition or increase costs without offering offsetting benefits to consumers. During recent years, the Commission's staff has studied the deregulation of trucking and has disiussed the llenefits of increased reliance on market forces at both the federal and stat~ levels. Our activities in this area and in matters of competition policy generally have provided us. with experience in analyzing the potential competitive consequences of trucking deregulation. We have not conducted a specifIC empirical study of tow truck deregulation in West Virginia. We are familiar, however, with the literature examining trucking deregulation nationally and in other states. While the West Virginia legislation covers only the tow truck industry, literature on the broader consequences of trucking deregulation may be useful The weight of that literature supports 3 15 U.s.c. 45 " ~ Comments of the Federal Trade Commission on Pricing Practices of Motor Common Carriers of Property Since the Motor Carrier Act of 1980, Ex Parte No. Mc·l66, before the Interstate Commerce Commission (Jan. 1983); Supplementary Comments of the Bureaus of Competition, Consumer Protection ana Economics of the Federal Trade Commission on the Exemption of Motor Contract Carriers from Tariff Filing Requirements, Ex Parte No. Mc-l65, before the Interstate Commerce Commission (1983); D. Breen, Bureau of Economics of the Federal Trade Commission, ReJUlatQry Reform and the Iryckjn~ Industry; An Evaluation Qf the M9 t qr Carner Act of 1980. s~bmitted to Motor Carrier Ratemaking Study Comm1SS1on (March 1982). 0 5 ~ Comments of the Federal Trade Commission staff to the Speaker of the Rhode Island House Joseph .DeAngelis, on legislation to exempt motor carriers such as tow trucks providing services to cooperative groups from' regulation by the Public Utilities (April 26, 1988); Comments of the Federal Trade Commission staff to, California Sen. Rebecca Morga~ on legislation' to repeal the Public Utilities Commission's authority to set contract carrier ·motor freight-rates (Dec. 31, 1987); Comments of the Federal Trade Commission Staff to the Legislative Audit Council of the State Qf South Carolina on Possible Restrictive or Anticompetitive Practices in South. Carolina's Public Servi~e Commission Statutes (Sept. 29, 1987); Statement of the staff of the Federal Trade Commission on Economic Deregulation of Trucking to House and Semite Transportation Committees, Washington State Legislature ~ (March 7, 1985). Page 2 of 8 I .................... ·1
what we believe will be th~ b~ncfits of the proposed revisions to Chapter 24-A. It Arguments Advanced in Support of Continued Regulation Trucking regulation originally was intended to help Jrotect the regulated railroads from competition from the then~unregulated nn expanding trucking industry. It also was designed, in part, to support the Crucking industry by restrictIng com peti tion during the depression of the 1930's. In our experience, those who support continued regulation of motor common carriers usually advance three major arguments: preventing predatory pricing, forestalling destructive competitIOn, and maintaining safety. As discussed below, however,a number of empirical studies on trucking have concluded that none of these rationales supports the contention that 7 continued regulation of common motor carriers is either necessary or desirable. A. Predatory Pricing A primary argument advanced in support of continued regulation is tbe prevention of predatory pricing. The yrinclpal thrust of this argument is that larger, better financed companies wi! attempt to drive.. out competitors by selling trucking services below cost. The surviving firms will then raise their prices above the competitive leve~ eventually recouping their losses and Increasing their profits. One condition necessary for successful predatory pricing is high entry barriers. High entry barners, which may take the form of government re~lation, prevent a return of competitors when the predatory firm raises prIces above the competitive level to recoup its losses. One of the conditions necessary for predatory pricing exists when entry is regulated, and so, to the extent that a threat of predatory pricing exists, entry regulation exacerbates this threat, thus increasing the necessity of state trice controls to avoid this threat. Barriers to entry will no longer exist i the proposed revisions to Chapter 24-A are enacted. The simplified registra.tiop. requiremc:n~s will permit new tow truck operators to enter th§ market qUickly when eXIstmg operators raise rates above competitive level~ The absence of entry barners makes detailed regulation of prices less necessary, assuming predation was more than a 6 Nelson, The Chaoldng Economic Case for Surface Transport Regulation. in Perspecti ves on _F ederalTransportatloD_ Poll_cy.:_(J~~~s__S._~~I!e,L}JI, ed. 1975).. 7 Stt generally, ~ Weinstein & Gross, Tran~fiQrtation and Economic Development: The Case for Reform of Trucking R~uation in Texas, Center for - Enterprising, Southern Methodist University (Feb. 87); D. Breen, S1!l2.@ note. 4. 8 J. C. Miller III, Economic Re~latiQn of Truckin~, in Report of the Economic Advisory Panel to the National Commission for the Review of Antitrust Laws and Procedures (Nov. 9, 1978). Page 3 of 8
-; :.-••:-:--.:-..23 -The possibility of predation rDlght, "under certam circumstances, justify the ..-.
. . imposit~on ~f minim~ prices. However, to justify economically minimu'm price
" " regulation In a speCIfIc Industry, more than a general theoretical posSibility of
predati?n should exi~t It .wo";\ld be ~esirable to also sho~ that ~li~ conditionS
conduclve to predatIon eXiSt 10 the mdustry. Further, smce nnmmum' price
regulations can hurt consumers if the minimum price is set too high., it would
also be desirable to show that the expected benefits from setting minimum
prices more than offset the expected costs.
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remote threat Moreover, because trucks arc highly mobile and can be
transferred quickly, the costs of entering (and exiting) a particular geographic
area are apt to be relatively low. If the predator tried to raise its prices to
noncompetitive levers, other firms should enter or re-enter the market, taking
business away from the p'redator and forcing prices back to competitive levels.
Because predation is unlIkely to be profitable, motor carriers are not likely· to
attempt it.
In 1987, the General Accounting Office joined the Interstate Commerce
Commission, the Motor Carrier Ratemaking Study Commission and the
Department of Justice in conclUding that predation IS unlikely to occur as a
consequence of truckin~Oderegulation.9 In Matsushita Electrical Industrial Co,
y. Zenith Radio Corp., the Supreme Court stated that "predatory pricing
schemes are rarely tried, and even more rarely successfuL"ll
Predatory pricing remains at least a theoretical possibility.12 However,
this possibility does not seem to us to justify thi:; type of entry restrictions
embOdied in the current West Virginia regulations. In any event, firms that
attempt to engage in predatory pricing also would be subject to public and
private antitrust enforcement actions.
B. Destructive Competition
9 United States General Accounting Office, I'ruckins- Re~ulatiQn; Price
.CampetitigU and Market Structure in the Truckin~ Indust(L SolO (Feb. 1987).
The positions of the ICC MCRSC, and DOJ are discussed in the GAO rep0r:t-
.' .10 475 U.s. 574 (1986).
U Id' at 589-90, citing R. Bork, The Antitrust Paradox, 149-Se{ (1978);
Areeda &. Turner, Predatory Prjcjn~ and Relatyd Practjces Under Sectjon 2 of
the Sherman Act. 88 Harv. L Rev. 6'J7, fU) (197~ Easterbrook, Predatory .
, . 48 U. Chi L Rev. 263, 268 (1981'); Koller,
'i - . 'ca 4 Antitrust L. & Econ.
Rev. 1 ~~ McGee, "
1 1.!- & n. 137 (1958); ~~.u.t-..LoL.Ll~...£.»~~
289, 292·94 (1980~
1 .
12 J. Tirole, The Theory of Industrial Or~aniz8tiQn. Cambridge: MIT Press,
1988, chs. 8 & 9.
Page 4 of 8
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Proponents of trucking regulation also argue that deregulation will lead to
"destructIve competition:' Destructive competition may occur in industries
characterized by fluctuating demand, sunk costs, and a high ratio of fixed to
total costs. These conditions are likely to create excess capacity and
considerable pressure to cut prices when demand falls. If price competition
occurs, however, prices may persist below the ~otal cost of providing services
because the sunk nature of costs makes capacity adjustment difficult It is also
said that firms facing transitory losses may, as a result, try to reduce costs by
skimping on service, to the detriment of customers.
Conditions conducive for destructive competition are not likely to exist in
the motor carrier industry in general, nor. we believe. in the tow truck
industry in particular. Fixed costs constitute only a small percentage of total
costs, which include such variable costs as labor and fuel expenses. Trucks also
are highly mobile assets which may· readily and easily be transferred from less
profitable to more profitable uses or geographic markets in response to
fluctuations in demand, suggesting that costs specific to a particular location or
geograp~ic region ~~e apt. to be rf!atively small. Therefore, it is unlikely that
destructive compeutlOn w111 occur.
C. Safety
Another argument that has been advanced is that dereg.ulation will have an
adverse effect on safety in the trucking industry, because carriers facing stiff
competition will neglect maintenance, delay replacement of vehicles, and
overwork drivers. We believe that reduced safety is not a necessary
consequence of economic deregulation. In fact, a recent study of truck safety
.-in California, conducted jointly by the California Public Utilities Commission
('cPUej and the California HIghway Patrol was "unable to prove the hypothesis
that CPUC economic regulat~ of trucking is significantly and positively linked
to improved highway safety:' "
The legislature has a legitimate interest in promoting safety on West
Virginia's highways. However, rather than attemptin~ to affect safety indirectly
through economic regulation such as this, direct actlon to address safety issues
may be preferable. A direct approach is consistent y.rith proposed amendments
to Chapter 24-A, which mandate that motor carriers comply with the Public
Service Commission's safety rules, and that· tow truck operators maintain
adequate liability insurance.
D. Market Failures Specific to Towing
u" 14 ~ A. Kahn III. 2 Economics of Reiulation 178 (1971) in which the
author states, 'lD]oes trucking have the economic attributes of an industry
subject to destructive competition? It would be difficult to find one less qualified."
15 California Public Utilities Commission & California ·Highway Patrol, AD
2678 Final Report on Truck Safety, Joint Legislative Report, 3 (Nov. 1987).
Page 5 of 8
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Regulatory oversight of towing services has sometimes been justified because of possible abuses associated with the towing of cars authorized by someone other than the owner (e.g., when a car is illegally parked). This is known as "nonconsent" towing. These alleged abuses consist of damage to the towed vehicle (for which the owner is not compensated), and the imposition of excessive charges for the towing and storage of the vehicle. Although regulatory mechanisms may' sometimes be necessary to remedy such problems, it seems unlikely that a CertIficate of Convenience requirement would be useful in this capacity. Indeed, by protecting incumbent towers from new competition, a Certificate of Convenience requirement may actually facilitate the establishment of supracompetitive prices and the provision of poor quality service. There are other types of regUlation which might be better suited to alleviating any problems that. might.be associ~ted with nonc~>nsent tov.:ing. For example. because the PSC· wIll retaIn authonty to set maxImum towm~ rates. any problems resulting from excessive rate charges for nonconsent tOWing can be aCidressed through the application of this authority.lO Additionally, if the state determines that the uncompensated damage to vehicles resulting from non- consensual towing is a problem requiring a regulatory solution, one possible solution would consist of requiring nouconsent towers to post performance bonds that would be forfeitable in the event of unsatisfactory performance. This would provide nonconsent towers with an incentive to· provide service of acceptable quality, without depriving consumers of "consene towing services of the benefits of free entry. . TIL BENEFITS OF DEREGULATION Evidence of the benefits to consumers produced by trucking deregulation can be gleaned from the experiences of other states. California, tor exampl~ experimented with partial economic deregulation of trucking from 1980 to 1986- During Ithat time entry was virtually free, and rates, though_ regulated, were flexible,; .7~~ The result was lower rates with no loss in service.I8 Experiences of other states also attest to the economic benefits of intrastate trucking deregulation. A study of trucking in New Jersey,· for 16 To foster competition, the maximum rate set. should not be below a competitive rate. I . 17 Carriers were permitted to change rates, after a short waiting period, without having to show the change was cost-JUstified. . There was no waiting period to match a competitor's rate. 18 M. Simmerson, "Analysis of The Impact of Deregt:l:!!tion of the General Frei~ht Truckin~ Industry:' Investigation No. 84-05-048, California Public Utilities CommisslOn, 20-21 (Aug. 10, 1984) (based upon survey by CPUC of 239 general freight carriers and survey by California State University, Hayward, Institute of Research & Business Development of 596 shippers.) Pnge 6 of 8
example. concluded that deregulation has worked well in that state.19 According to W. Bruce Alle~ one of the study's authors, shippers were satisfied with the available service, rates were about ten percent lower tha~dhey would have been under regulation, and intrastate carriers have prospered In Florida, deregulation occurred so quickly that truckers and shippers had no opportunity to prepare for it. Nonetheless, according to one study, a year after deregulation 88 percent of shippers, as well as a surprisingly high 49 percent of truckers, supported it. Most shippers thought diat service levels remained constant and that rate fluctuations haql posed no difficulties. Only a few shippers converted to private carriage; many more such shipper conversions might have been expected if predatory pncing had resulted m a large reduction in the number of tru:£fers, or if "destructive competition" had caused service qua~y to diminish. Likewise, a 1982 Department of Transportation study found that 90 percent of Florida shippers believed that post-deregulation service was at least as good as service oefore deregulation and 30 percent reported improvements. A majority of these shippers (58 percent) perceived that deregulation had held down rates. .. Finally, economists Blair, Kaserman, and McClave found that Florida's deregulation of Artrastate trucking led to a 15 percent average reduction in motor carrier rates.~' The experience of other states is' consistent with that of California, New Jersey and Florida. For example, in Wisconsin, 67 percent of shippers were satisfied with deregulation and only six percent were dissatisfied. Seventy- three percent said that ratc information was as readily available after deregulation as before. Carriers were evenly divided on the question of deregulation. Those with increased profits tended to favor deregulation, while 19 W. Bruce Allen, S. Loner~n & D. Plane, Examination Qf the Unr~ated Trucking EAperjence in New ~ey. u.s. Dept. of Transportation (July~ 20 W. Bruce Allen, Statement BefQre the National CQmmission for the Revj((w of Anti-Trust Laws and ~rQcedures (January 22, 1979~ 21 Private carriage occurs where the shipper owns the motor carrier. 22 Freeman, A Survex of Motor Carrier Deregulation in Florida: Que Year's Experience, ICC Practitioners Journal, 51 (Nov.-Dec. 1982). 1, .2j Statement of ~atthew V. Scocozza, Assistant Secretary for Policy and International AffaIrs, US.' -Department' ·of··· TransportatIOn, Before the Subcommittee on Surface Transportation, US. House of Representatives (June 20, 1984~ 24 Blair, Kaserman & McClave, Motor Carrier Dere~ulatjQo; The Florida Experiment. 68 Rev. ECQn, & Stat. 159 (1986). Page 7 of 8
some of those opposing deregulation were concerned ab~t the loss of the asset
value of their certificates of convenience and necessity.
In Maryland, intrastate household goods movers were not regulated. A
study conducted in that state in 1973-74 revealed that the then-regulated
interstate household goods carriers charged 27 perce~6to 67 percent more than
unregulated intrastate carriers for comparable moves.
Oregon dere~ulated the shi(>ping of certain building materials in 1980. The
results of this actIOn were exammed in tW~7eparate surveys by the Legislative
Research Office of the Oregon Legislature. All parties surveyed a~reed that
deregulation increased the number of carriers in the market AccordlOg to one
survey, almost all shippers and most of the truckers with prior authority to
carry these products believed that trucking rates had decreased None of the
groups surveyed believed that general rate levels bad increased as a result of
deregulation.
IV. CONCLUSION:
A significant body of evidence $Usgests that deregulation of trucking
services lowers rates and improves servIce. We believe that the proposed
amendments to Chapter 24-A constitute an important stepln moving to a more
com~titive tow-truCk indus~ in West Virgima. It should result in significant
benefits for consumers and competition. Entrepreneurs will be free to add
needed service and to compete on rates without waiting long periods of time
for Public Service CommiSSIon approval.
We appreciate this opportunity to present our views. We would be happy
to supply copies of the studies referred to in this letter.
Sincerely,
Mark Kindt
Cleveland Regional Director
\
2S Wisconsin Office of the Commissioner of Transportation; '~uJ8tiQn Qf
:w'isconsjn Motor Carders {July 1983~ There may, however, be oter capital
losses. .
'. 26 Breen, Re~uJatiQn and Household Moyjn~ Costs, Regulation, 53 (Sept-Oct.,
1978).
~
27 Unpublished surveys conducted by the Oregon State LegiSlature's
LegislatIve Research Office (1984). .
Page 8 of 8
TOTAL P.09
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